Thursday, 30 June 2016

Hazy Crazy Days of Brexit: What now for UK and EU Citizens?


When the UK population went to the polls on Thursday 23rd June 2016, it was faced with a seemingly simple question: Do you want Britain to Remain in, or to Leave the European Union?

From such simple phrases are constitutional crises grown. There is consternation about the outcome, with petitions calling for a ‘second go’ and for the voice of youth to be heard whilst the media (both social and press) is highlighting the rise in racial hatred incidents post-result. The breakdown in voting demographic has caused people to ask why the older section of society so restrictively determined the future of the younger generation and, most tellingly, since the result was published there is shock from those suffering ‘Bregret’ that they were ‘lied’ to by leave campaigners on two key strands of the ‘Leave’ platform: the NHS and immigration. This concern was only heightened by news that the Leave campaign website appeared to have been purged of pre-referendum content, with a simple 'Thank You' in place of slogans and other links, and has been further raised by MEPs' comments when the European Parliament convened to discuss what should come next.

The issue of post-referendum leadership is equally pressing. When David Cameron resigned on Friday morning, there was no clear plan as to what came next, other than a vague mention of the Conservative Party Conference in October, a comment which has been refined to a September date. The leaders of the leave campaign have been shirking the limelight, unexpectedly sombre in their victory and, on television, campaigners have admitted that they had no plan for what came next either. Then, in a dazzling act of ritual suicide, the Labour party has imploded, taking the media spotlight from Tory strife and societal unrest. Taken together, Westminster appears to be in disarray. Nicola Sturgeon, in her capacity as Scotland’s First Minister, has shown real leadership qualities, speaking in terms of future plans and a desire to remain a European Member State, potentially frustrating Westminster's attempts to repeal the European Communities Act 1972 in the process. Whether this is possible has been the subject of House of Lords' Select Committee evidence, but Scotland is not alone in this aim: while Scottish and Northern Irish MEP's have addressed the European Parliament in imploring terms, seeking to retain membership, Geoffrey Robertson QC has also addressed how Remain voters in the UK might achieve their desired outcome. These issues are made more urgent by the response of European leaders keen to expedite EU secession and get back to the issues concerning the EU's future and continuing Member States. Patience appears to be running short on the continent, as Jean Claude Juncker's response to Nigel Farage's presence in the European Parliament indicate. Others have been more blunt in their response to the UK's perceived dillydallying: "You can't have your cake and eat it". 



Uncertainty over the timeframe, operation and triggering of Article 50, in combination with these other problems has distracted from the debate over what has really been lost after the Leave win. The most immediately apparent consequence has been the economic downfall previously predicted by the Remain camp, and ridiculed by Leave: while Michael Gove has "had enough of experts" it turns out they were right. However, the greatest loss is the one that individuals will feel once we are on the outside of Europe, looking in.

In 1992, the EU introduced the concept of European Citizenship. Many people have never known life without it, but it has also come to be so embedded in our own identity – knowingly or otherwise – that unpicking the EU citizenship from the British could be harder than we think. Yet citizenship rights barely rated a mention in the campaigns. Even the claims about immigrants confused EU migration with other migration (as in Farage's rightly vilified poster), a fact clear from some post-result interviews, presenting a confused picture to the electorate and generating claims that, within minutes of victory, the Leave campaign was distancing itself from. But Citizenship is not distilled to the one issue of free movement, a European right predating Citizenship by some distance, it encompasses much broader features that, from childhood, shape who we become, such as education, healthcare protection, environmental protections and family rights.

EU Citizenship itself embodies something much more forward thinking, open and inclusive than it is given credit for: it came about in the 1990s but had been conceived long before, as the Community was being formed. Every Member State citizen enjoys this second tier of citizenship as of right, but the article bestowing the right clearly limits the scope of membership to citizens of existing Member States. The States wanted it this way, in order to limit the scope of their obligations: losing this new citizenship was not something that was really contemplated. It has occurred before, in the case of Janko Rottmann, who lost citizenship of any kind all at once, but generated considerable academic comment at the same time. But, when, or if, Brexit occurs, some 65 million citizens will cease to be such: the academic commentary at that time can only be imagined. While the government has sought to reassure resident EU citizens - and those UK nationals resident in the EU- that their rights will for the time being, continue without interruption, there is no comfort for those seeking reassurance in the long term. 

What, then, is so special about this legal status? From a narrow perspective, the array of rights and protections attached to it prevent Member States from restrictively applying laws that range from worker rights to family reunification and education rights. From a broader perspective, it is a means of bringing people together and keeping them in touch with each other in a more affordable way. If those claims sound grandiose, then please keep an open mind.

Have you ever been abroad, beyond the EU? Stood in a line of waiting passengers, in a stuffy, overcrowded room waiting to go through passport control, to enter the paradise of duty free and the airport lounge? While standing in that queue, cursing your luck at being in the slow line, have you looked around and been comforted by the sight of another passenger gently wafting a cool breeze with their passport? Did the burgundy colour of that passport make you feel slightly less alone? If so, you experienced the solidarity of EU Citizenship.

If you have ever voted in a European election, been on holiday in the EU without having to stand in the long passport-control queue, received emergency medical treatment while in another EU country, or even just bought something from an EU Amazon site (other online retailers are available) without having to pay customs duties, you have benefitted from your citizenship. If you have noticed that you are suddenly paying a little less duty for your environmentally friendlier car, or that your car insurance now costs the same as a significant other’s, you are benefitting from your EU citizenship, as it ensures non-discrimination on the grounds of gender, nationality, age, sexual orientations, race, religion and ability/disability in the Member States. If you ring your EU resident friends by mobile, or keep in touch with home while away, or spend too much time on Facebook when you’re supposed to be enjoying your holiday, you should have noticed that you have paid a little less. Data roaming charges were due to decrease further: those benefits are about to disappear – whether UK companies will continue to honour the principle is open to debate, but economic realities would suggest not.

Those are just the transient, but no less important, benefits of that which we are about to lose. For the truth is that European Citizenship contributes to your opportunities to enhance your economic and social  position. Citizenship is tied up with education, employment, environment and family rights: it relates to your own identity, whether you appreciate that fact or not. Being able to attend any university in the EU opens up enormous prospects - and not only to the members of the social elite. The ERASMUS scheme has benefitted countless UK nationals, allowing students to immerse themselves in other cultures and gain valuable experiences: our continued participation in that scheme is now uncertain. But the benefits do not only pertain to students: workers can also avail themselves of ERASMUS opportunities and this featured nowhere in the Brexit campaigns. 

The argument over worker rights and EU citizenship was, in fact a poisonous element of the campaign, such was the focus on migration. Yet, 1.3 million UK nationals have made their lives in other EU countries and 2.5% of those enjoy unemployment benefits. The opportunity to move for work, and to remain in the State while looking for more work following unemployment on the same terms as nationals of those states is invaluable.  The day to day protections enjoyed are also essential, but the EU's contribution to worker rights is often understated. As Union obligations are carried out through national law and legislation, successive governments have been able to 'demonstrate' that it is they who are committed to equal treatment and social advance, overshadowing the EU as the source and enforcer of these rights. Whether a new entrant into the workforce following education, or a pensioner, the EU has done something for you as part of your life as a worker. The single most chilling aspect of the Brexit campaign is that these social rights, that ensure fair treatment for all and which protect the most vulnerable from exploitation and mistreatment, are first in line for repeal. The government's own Minister of State for Employment, Priti Patel, has called these European protections a "burden" and has called for them to be 'halved': it was disingenuous to focus on migrants and to intimate that it is those migrants who would face these restrictions, as EU law protects us all. Removing these benefits may not occur overnight, but those most in need in the UK will be those most affected.

The objection to migration to the UK dominated discussion, but failed to address with any force the reality that both skilled and unskilled workers contribute both to the economy and those very services the Leave campaign claimed to seek to protect, like the NHS. When hospital surgical teams post pictures of themselves emphasising the important contribution the EU has made to essential services, and when teaching staff depend on EU nationals to help in providing expertise, the real question after Brexit is this: how badly will leaving the EU damage those services for which Britain enjoys world renown? 

For more then 40 years the UK's role at the heart of Europe has helped to shape what the EU has become. Our representatives in the various institutions have negotiated, debated and voted on issues covering a huge number of aspects of our daily lives. During that time, Britain enjoyed a position as the fifth largest economy in the world. Within 48 hours of Brexit, the economic impact was such that we had fallen to sixth. Investment in the UK is set to shrink, casting further doubt on economic growth and making the position of workers, and citizens generally, even more uncertain. Jean Monnet, one of Europe's founding fathers and the first formally titled 'European Citizen' believed in unity of peoples, stating:

"When I think that Frenchmen, Germans, Belgians, Dutchmen, Italians and Luxembourgers are obeying the same rules and, by doing so, are now seeing their common problems in the same light, when I reflect that this will fundamentally change their behaviour one to another – then I tell myself that definitive progress is being made in relations among the peoples of Europe".

His legacy, until June 23rd was that there was commonality between European peoples. The EU had not found a convincing way to express that unity, other than through Citizenship, but the signs are that Brexit will generate much more movement to bring the people together, with Angela Merkel talking of Europe in terms of a 'family'. The non-binding nature of the EU referendum may, in the end, render the Brexit decision merely an almighty storm in a teacup, but the likelihood is that, whatever negotiated settlement is reached, the UK's population will be cut off from that family, yet will still share those common problems. It will not have a say in determining how those problems are resolved and it will be exposed to a possible programme of social welfare repeal from a Conservative government with a proven record of austerity practice and benefit cuts: EU citizenship will cease to protect us and, should Theresa May be successful in her bid to be the next Prime Minister, it is possible that the UK will withdraw from the European Convention on Human Rights. Where that will leave the citizenry doesn't bear thinking about, but we can always comfort ourselves with this thought: in a population of 65 million people, all it took to reduce us to this was 17 million. 'Democracy' in action: crazy days indeed. 


Wednesday, 11 June 2014

A renewed obligation for participatory democracy: the lesson of European Elections 2014

A fortnight should be sufficient time to allow dust from the European elections to settle in the UK. What has not settled in that time are the nerves of pro-European, liberal-minded and informed individuals. Whatever the political allegiances of the members of those groups, the results of the local and European elections, when realised on May 24th and 27th 2014, were greeted with shock, dismay and disbelief. For many, there was also more than a little fear: a common refrain was "how did that happen"?

The answer seems fairly simple. The swing to the right happened because too few people stood up to challenge the deliberate untruths put forward by the successful UKIP campaign. Nigel Farage cleverly and carefully cultivated the image of: the 'man down the pub'; 'one of the boys'; 'Brit to the core', all images designed to appeal to a public disenchanted by Westminster politics and unsure and distrustful of a Europe that it feared had generated economic and social turmoil. The reality of Farage the man is, of course, more complex. Put succinctly, during the course of the campaign Mr. Farage showed himself to be a bully, a hypocrite, a scaremonger, a man armed with 'facts' (designed to appeal to people not treated to any other evidence about EU life) and a facade that could - and sometimes did - slip, revealing the unpleasantness within. These attributes were largely unchallenged and when they were, somehow his ratings only improved. His strategy has revealed him to be a true politician and it has been distressingly successful. Even as UKIP has seemed destined to implode, with story after embarrassing story emerging via twitter or radio appearance, the UKIP polls simply soared higher.

Take for example, the respective performances of Nick Clegg and Nigel Farage in the two televised 'Europe' debates (26th March, 2014 and 2nd April, 2014) prior to the elections. One participant appeared to have turned up expecting a debate at the Oxford Union, the other expecting a cage fight without the luxury of a referee. Whereas Nick Clegg allowed his opponent (particularly in the first debate) the opportunity to speak uninterrupted, Nigel Farage displayed no such courtesy, talking over his opponent with impunity and loudly making unfounded assertions. Whilst this clearly shows that Clegg needs to grow a political backbone, it is also symptomatic of the UKIP approach to political debate and opposition: shout louder and hope that no one can hear or believe what the other guy is saying. Thus far, it is a ploy that appears to bear fruit. Whilst sinking to the same level is highly undesirable, it would be interesting to see how the electorate would react, should the 'opposition' seek to drown out UKIP whilst spouting positive, factual and pertinent information about the EU and the realities of engagement with it.

UKIP's performance in the elections, both local and supranational, bodes ill for Britain. Returning or promoting UKIP members to the European Parliament will only leave British interests unrepresented and exposed in key policy areas and her reputation tarnished. Those same UKIP MEPs will, no doubt once again avail themselves of every allowance open to them, stocking war-chests for future activities. Meanwhile, pro-European parties and candidates will doubtless tone down any statements they make supporting Europe - or become altogether mute - for fear that they will increase their unpopularity… there is an election in 11 months, after all.

This passes the obligation to debate and engage in European issues on to those of us who are informed, opposed to rabble-rousing and committed to participatory democracy. I am by no means impartial. As a largely pro-European (by which I mean in favour of the project, without agreeing with all policy developments and legislation) academic, I am by nature biased towards a positive result that will ensure Britain's ongoing participation at the core of the Union. I oppose both UKIP's entire manifesto and calls for another referendum on membership. Also, I am a northerner. For broader European interests, this may seem irrelevant: it is not. My region's MEPs include UKIP members, a local MP, Simon Danczuk (Labour, Salford) claims that London politics fails to engage with either me or my region and UKIP did frighteningly well in the local elections across the region. All these factors concern me directly; they should be of concern to others, too. UKIP MEPs clearly by no means represent my views, but I do engage with and frown upon Westminster politics in equal measure (as do many others) and I love living in a vibrant and cosmopolitan community. We are all at greatest risk of becoming disenfranchised if the mainstream parties and local politicians allow UKIP's agenda to dominate their thinking and fail to develop policies that address local and national measures alike.

More than that, however, the local and regional elections reveal much more important things to us all. We the electorate – academics, environmentalists, women, business owners, drivers, cyclists, children, workers, fishermen – all have an obligation to inform ourselves and others about the truths of European life. From means of direct access to the institutions, to how laws are made and how Citizens' Initiatives work, we are part of an enormous political machine that is eager to engage with us on an individual as well as collective level. Farage's campaign contained misinformation, specifically concerning immigration and border control, that needs to be counteracted.

The Union undoubtedly has problems: it cannot possibly please everyone all of the time. Anyone with a family knows how hard it can be to get groups of people to agree: the Union is a family of more than 500 million - it's a difficult task to manage. However, the Union has secured tremendous advances across a range of areas. Free movement, seemingly the chief issue of concern and disagreement, is, according to UKIP an unmanageable and disruptive force that leads to crime, localised unemployment and economic depression. Not everyone agrees with this perspective. But where is the discussion of the benefits of migration – and, for that matter, emigration, the flip side of the free movement coin? Increased cultural diversity, skill set sharing?Integration? Poverty reduction? Cultural exchange? Stimulus in new areas of the economy?

Where is the discussion of the environmental changes and improvements in working conditions? The reduction in car tax for environmentally friendlier vehicles? Equality in insurance premiums (a change I like less than I, perhaps, should)? Student rights? These are merely a few of the benefits of EU membership for individuals. If we know of them, we have a duty to share them with others, as they have an immediate and individual impact. Why are these surely popular changes so little discussed?

I urge you to spread this information far and wide. It is not that I think the wider electorate cannot be trusted to vote sensibly. But when the diet of information is so unrelentingly biased and negative, it is difficult for positive news to gain airtime.

However, our duty arises for a secondary, arguably more important, reason. The rhetoric being used in campaigns not only of UKIP, but increasing numbers of parties across Europe, has become frighteningly extreme. Speaking on a live national broadcast on June 7th 2014, awaiting the result of the Newark by-election, Nigel Farage again referred to UKIP and its voters as the "people's army", making the claim that it would continue to "march" forward. This image offers a disturbing insight into UKIP's internal identity, aspirations and inspiration. The term has been variously used in Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Yugoslavia, Poland, Vietnam and North Korea: hardly salubrious company, all leaning to a political extreme. Couple this with the shift in terminology being used by the Golden Dawn party in Greece and the success of right-wing parties in the EU elections and the indications are that Europe faces an uncertain future.

Unfortunately, fascism - extremism of any kind - never calls ahead to announce itself. It creeps insidiously upon us, often preceded by an economic downturn and dissatisfaction with staid politicians who appear removed from those who most need assistance. The key ingredients seem to be present to allow fascism to take a foothold across the continent. Parties appealing to the electorate to 'remember their roots', making promises to protect national interests are a harrowing echo of europe eighty years ago. It is encouraging that individuals have responded humorously negatively to UKIP's agenda and style of campaigning, but the worry is that the UKIP message appears to have struck a chord across the political spectrum. If we believe Edmund Burke was right in saying that "those who don't know history are doomed to repeat it", we might also feel positive about the future. The D-Day 70th anniversary serves as a reminder of the struggle that engulfed Europe in the last century. We know how history played out: we are in a position to prevent a repeat.

The recent elections serve as a chilling reminder that democracy requires participation of the greatest number: however, it should also be evident that our own safety is safeguarded only if we make informed decisions. Participatory democracy, making informed decisions, has never been more important. Learn, inform, discuss. Or, even knowing history, we may be doomed to repeat it.

Food for thought.

Julia Bradshaw